31st July
Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the release of around 13 political prisoners as part of an amnesty given by President Thein Sein to
almost 7,000 prisoners. 11 of the political prisoners released were cases that Burma Campaign UK has been actively campaigning on.
However, releasing the prisoners in this way heralds a return to the way the previous military dictatorship released political
prisoners. It highlights how the Burmese government is no longer making any effort to end the jailing of political prisoners once
and for all.
...
However, with most sanctions lifted, having gained international acceptance, and with trade flowing, pressure for the release of all
political prisoners was relaxed. President Thein Sein broke his promise to release all political prisoners by the end of 2013. Since
then the number of political prisoners has steadily grown, now numbering at least 160. Well over a thousand activists and farmers
are currently awaiting trial.
“Rather than any comprehensive effort to ensure there are no political prisoners, we are now back to waiting for the annual
prisoners amnesty and hoping a few political prisoners are included,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “It’s time
a new political prisoner committee is established which can independently review cases and ensure all political prisoners are
released.”
In April 2015, twenty-three human rights organisations from around the world published proposals for a new committee to address the
issue of political prisoners in Burma.
Ref::burmacampaign.org.uk/
၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား
Sunday, 16 August 2015
Another Sordid Chapter in the History of Karen Factional Conflict
This month, Karen armed groups have been engaged in almost daily skirmishes, resulting in several casualties, following the decision
by the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) to sack military leaders San Aung and Kyaw Thet, who reportedly control some 500
troops between them.
A source on the ground said that the Burmese government wanted the pair sidelined because of their control of unlawful toll points
along the newly built Asia Highway 1, which connects Thailand’s border town of Mae Sot to Burma’s commercial capital, Rangoon. A
total of three Karen armed groups levy fees on the highway, with many trucks now avoiding the route to escape an impost that can
amount to 100,000 kyats [US$83] for the journey between Myawaddy and Kawkareik.
...
Questions linger as to why DKBA chief Saw Lah Pwe failed to protect the two men. San Aung and Kyaw Thet have both earned their
stripes for the Karen cause, taking a major role in 2010’s election day fighting in Myawaddy against the Burma Armed Forces against
a backdrop of alleged vote tampering and election fraud in the town.
Sources close to the DKBA say that the outfit’s ailing chief, who is battling throat cancer, received 5 million kyats ($4170) from
Saw Chit Thu for medical treatment in Singapore during a visit to Rangoon. The decision to cut San Aung and Kyaw Thet loose is
believed to be the result of a quid pro quo.
San Aung and Kyaw Thet are now being aggressively hunted by a joint force of the DKBA, the Border Guard Force and Brigade 6 of the
Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).
Whatever the provenance of the fighting, and whatever the government’s role in stoking the flames, to outsiders the latest conflict
will be seen as nothing more than another sorry battle in a long line of Karen factional feuds.
...
While KNU president Mutu Say Poe supports the efforts towards brokering a nationwide ceasefire agreement, his deputy Naw Zipporah
Sein has publicly stated her doubts. It is noteworthy that Zipporah Sein was recently selected to represent the political wing of
the Karen armed struggle in future ceasefire negotiations.
On the sideline, the government waits with a soft voice and a big stick, ready to take advantage the next time divisions boil over.
Previous divisions splintered the Karen resistance into five armed groups, leading to pitched battles and assassination campaigns
waged against rival leaderships. On every occasion, the government has shrewdly capitalized and the military has consolidated its
hold over Karen territory.
Those on the ground fear that once San Aung and Kyaw Thet’s forces are wiped out, the next move will be on KNLA Brigade 5 in
northern Karen state, led by Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Baw Kyaw Heh. He controls the strongest contingent in the KNLA and has
doubts about the current peace program as a result of the military increasing its presence in his territory during ceasefire
negotiations.
Ref:dvb.no
by the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) to sack military leaders San Aung and Kyaw Thet, who reportedly control some 500
troops between them.
A source on the ground said that the Burmese government wanted the pair sidelined because of their control of unlawful toll points
along the newly built Asia Highway 1, which connects Thailand’s border town of Mae Sot to Burma’s commercial capital, Rangoon. A
total of three Karen armed groups levy fees on the highway, with many trucks now avoiding the route to escape an impost that can
amount to 100,000 kyats [US$83] for the journey between Myawaddy and Kawkareik.
...
Questions linger as to why DKBA chief Saw Lah Pwe failed to protect the two men. San Aung and Kyaw Thet have both earned their
stripes for the Karen cause, taking a major role in 2010’s election day fighting in Myawaddy against the Burma Armed Forces against
a backdrop of alleged vote tampering and election fraud in the town.
Sources close to the DKBA say that the outfit’s ailing chief, who is battling throat cancer, received 5 million kyats ($4170) from
Saw Chit Thu for medical treatment in Singapore during a visit to Rangoon. The decision to cut San Aung and Kyaw Thet loose is
believed to be the result of a quid pro quo.
San Aung and Kyaw Thet are now being aggressively hunted by a joint force of the DKBA, the Border Guard Force and Brigade 6 of the
Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).
Whatever the provenance of the fighting, and whatever the government’s role in stoking the flames, to outsiders the latest conflict
will be seen as nothing more than another sorry battle in a long line of Karen factional feuds.
...
While KNU president Mutu Say Poe supports the efforts towards brokering a nationwide ceasefire agreement, his deputy Naw Zipporah
Sein has publicly stated her doubts. It is noteworthy that Zipporah Sein was recently selected to represent the political wing of
the Karen armed struggle in future ceasefire negotiations.
On the sideline, the government waits with a soft voice and a big stick, ready to take advantage the next time divisions boil over.
Previous divisions splintered the Karen resistance into five armed groups, leading to pitched battles and assassination campaigns
waged against rival leaderships. On every occasion, the government has shrewdly capitalized and the military has consolidated its
hold over Karen territory.
Those on the ground fear that once San Aung and Kyaw Thet’s forces are wiped out, the next move will be on KNLA Brigade 5 in
northern Karen state, led by Deputy Chief of Staff Gen. Baw Kyaw Heh. He controls the strongest contingent in the KNLA and has
doubts about the current peace program as a result of the military increasing its presence in his territory during ceasefire
negotiations.
Ref:dvb.no
Student activist Po Po released on bail
Student activist Yadana Su Po Khine, also known as Po Po, has been released on bail by a court in Rangoon.
The All Burma Federation of Student Unions’ member was detained in March, following a peaceful protest in Hledan in Rangoon, and has
since been incarcerated in Insein prison.
Robert San Aung, Po Po’s defence lawyer, said the Kamayut township court on 30 July granted her bail with a bond of five million
kyat (US$4,166).
“The court considered the fact that Po Po is a young woman and student, and granted her bail so her studies would not be
interrupted,” he told DVB on Thursday.
...
Speaking to DVB by phone shortly after her release, Po Po said, “I don’t see why I should be happy to be released since I never did
any wrong. Moreover, as our comrades remain behind bars, I somehow felt guilty to be the one who is out.
“We have a lot of work to do in the outside world and I am determined to continue our fight until our 11-point list of demands is
fulfilled.”
Ref:dvb.no
The All Burma Federation of Student Unions’ member was detained in March, following a peaceful protest in Hledan in Rangoon, and has
since been incarcerated in Insein prison.
Robert San Aung, Po Po’s defence lawyer, said the Kamayut township court on 30 July granted her bail with a bond of five million
kyat (US$4,166).
“The court considered the fact that Po Po is a young woman and student, and granted her bail so her studies would not be
interrupted,” he told DVB on Thursday.
...
Speaking to DVB by phone shortly after her release, Po Po said, “I don’t see why I should be happy to be released since I never did
any wrong. Moreover, as our comrades remain behind bars, I somehow felt guilty to be the one who is out.
“We have a lot of work to do in the outside world and I am determined to continue our fight until our 11-point list of demands is
fulfilled.”
Ref:dvb.no
Karen football star wants to play for Burma
Aspiring Karen footballer Kler Heh, who recently signed a professional contract for English league team Sheffield United, has
pledged his sporting allegiance to Burma.
The 18-year-old soccer star was born in Umpiem refugee camp in Thailand. He moved to England with his family four years ago.
But the sought-after talent says he would play for Burma’s national team, if selected.
That’s good news for Burmese fans and the Myanmar Football Federation (MFF), because Kler Heh does not have Burmese nationality but
does hold a British passport.
Spokesperson Soe Moe said Kler Heh had responded on 30 July to an invitation by the MFF, in which he confirmed he would pull on
Burma’s white strip if given the call.
...
“I know that I am representing myself, my family, friends and everyone in Myanmar and Thailand,” Kler Heh said.
“I want to be a positive role model and a symbol of hope that there is life outside the refugee camps.”
Ref: dvb.no
pledged his sporting allegiance to Burma.
The 18-year-old soccer star was born in Umpiem refugee camp in Thailand. He moved to England with his family four years ago.
But the sought-after talent says he would play for Burma’s national team, if selected.
That’s good news for Burmese fans and the Myanmar Football Federation (MFF), because Kler Heh does not have Burmese nationality but
does hold a British passport.
Spokesperson Soe Moe said Kler Heh had responded on 30 July to an invitation by the MFF, in which he confirmed he would pull on
Burma’s white strip if given the call.
...
“I know that I am representing myself, my family, friends and everyone in Myanmar and Thailand,” Kler Heh said.
“I want to be a positive role model and a symbol of hope that there is life outside the refugee camps.”
Ref: dvb.no
Reward and ruin on the Salween River
One of the least developed countries in the region, only 16 percent of the Burmese population has electricity in their homes. In
last year’s census, questionnaires asked citizens which source of energy they mostly use for cooking. An astonishing 69 percent of
families answered that they still use firewood.
...
With the world shying away from coal, harnessing the Salween’s mighty power for electricity seems an obvious choice. Developers
scrambled to put forth ideas, and at the time of writing, there were no less than 28 hydropower dams in the planning process.
...
Once operational, the 241-metre tall dam is to generate more than 7,000 megawatts of electricity, of which 700 megawatts will be
used for local demand, with the remaining 90 percent of production earmarked for sale to Thailand and China.
However, as with most power plants, the Mong Ton dam is not without its drawbacks. The US$6 billion project is also expected to
flood around 676 square km of forest and farmland, putting more than 10,000 villages underwater and disrupting local fisheries.
...
“The reason why people are campaigning against the Mong Ton dam project is because it will not benefit our local communities, or the
country as a whole,” she said.
“On top of that, the social and environmental impacts will be irreversible – their loss simply cannot be measured in cash. It is not
worth it to get compensation and let these companies take our natural resources from us.”
These sentiments have been echoed, loudly and frequently, by non-governmental organisations across the country. On7 July, more than
120 environmental and community-based groups signed a letter of protest in support of the “Save the Salween” movement, citing
concerns such as ruined biodiversity and increased armed conflict should the project go ahead.
...
Their most pressing worry though, is how ethnic people living along the river will survive without their chief livelihoods,
agriculture and fishing. Many have no idea what they will do when their villages have been submerged by floodwaters.
In a statement released in late April, community group The People of Kunhing Township claim that the project will be “greatly
hazardous” to the township, one of 16 slated to be flooded by the mega-dam.
“Traditional customs, rich natural resources, and our thousand islands – all of these sacred sites and important things would be
destroyed,” they said.
“This will be greatly damaging to the lives of the people who have lived in this area for generations.”
In the face of such fierce public opposition, the Burmese, Thai and Chinese corporations involved have insisted that they have done
everything right.
Under intense public scrutiny, the corporations appointed Australian body the Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) to
conduct the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Social Impact Assessment (SIA).
At the first of the public consultation meetings conducted by SMEC on 10 March, villagers from Shan and Karen community groups took
the opportunity to protest what they believe to be simply a ‘rubber-stamping’ process by SMEC.
...
“I am amazed that you did the SIA and EIA in only two years,” exclaimed one young man protesting with environmental group Karen
River Watch.
“There are over 10,000 villages – how can you do it completely in just two years?”
Steve Thompson of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) similarly has little faith in the assessment process.
“They have to make it look like they’re going through the normal processes, and make it look like this is a normal project. We are
talking about the biggest, most expensive, most lucrative projects in the world,” he said.
“It’s very complicated assessing the impacts of the dams; some may be small, some may be large, and some may not happen decades into
the future. For the companies and the government, it’s much easier to talk about the electricity supply, jobs, and the idea of
development.”
In early June, an ethnic coalition of 16 Shan community-based organisations issued a statement further condemning the SMEC process,
leveling accusations of bribery and alleging that the EIA/SIA teams were avoiding communities unhappy with the project.
“It is becoming apparent that SMEC’s EIA/SIA process is simply a sham, aimed to rubber-stamp the Mong Ton dam plans rather than
objectively assess the project’s actual impacts,” declared the coalition, which featured signatories such as the Shan Human Rights
Foundation and the Shan Women’s Action Network.
“The SMEC field surveyors had angered local villagers by only explaining the positive impacts of the dam, giving them ‘gifts’ which
they saw as bribes, and persuading them to sign documents they didn’t understand.”
The Australian company maintains that there has been no breach of the corporation’s anti-bribery and corruption policies, but so far
has not provided reasons as to why township public consultations in May were cancelled.
Of the project’s stakeholders, China Three Gorges Corporation, China Southern Power Grid, Sinohydro, the Electricity Generating
Authority of Thailand (International) and Burma’s International Group of Entrepreneurs Company, none responded to DVB’s enquires.
last year’s census, questionnaires asked citizens which source of energy they mostly use for cooking. An astonishing 69 percent of
families answered that they still use firewood.
...
With the world shying away from coal, harnessing the Salween’s mighty power for electricity seems an obvious choice. Developers
scrambled to put forth ideas, and at the time of writing, there were no less than 28 hydropower dams in the planning process.
...
Once operational, the 241-metre tall dam is to generate more than 7,000 megawatts of electricity, of which 700 megawatts will be
used for local demand, with the remaining 90 percent of production earmarked for sale to Thailand and China.
However, as with most power plants, the Mong Ton dam is not without its drawbacks. The US$6 billion project is also expected to
flood around 676 square km of forest and farmland, putting more than 10,000 villages underwater and disrupting local fisheries.
...
“The reason why people are campaigning against the Mong Ton dam project is because it will not benefit our local communities, or the
country as a whole,” she said.
“On top of that, the social and environmental impacts will be irreversible – their loss simply cannot be measured in cash. It is not
worth it to get compensation and let these companies take our natural resources from us.”
These sentiments have been echoed, loudly and frequently, by non-governmental organisations across the country. On7 July, more than
120 environmental and community-based groups signed a letter of protest in support of the “Save the Salween” movement, citing
concerns such as ruined biodiversity and increased armed conflict should the project go ahead.
...
Their most pressing worry though, is how ethnic people living along the river will survive without their chief livelihoods,
agriculture and fishing. Many have no idea what they will do when their villages have been submerged by floodwaters.
In a statement released in late April, community group The People of Kunhing Township claim that the project will be “greatly
hazardous” to the township, one of 16 slated to be flooded by the mega-dam.
“Traditional customs, rich natural resources, and our thousand islands – all of these sacred sites and important things would be
destroyed,” they said.
“This will be greatly damaging to the lives of the people who have lived in this area for generations.”
In the face of such fierce public opposition, the Burmese, Thai and Chinese corporations involved have insisted that they have done
everything right.
Under intense public scrutiny, the corporations appointed Australian body the Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) to
conduct the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Social Impact Assessment (SIA).
At the first of the public consultation meetings conducted by SMEC on 10 March, villagers from Shan and Karen community groups took
the opportunity to protest what they believe to be simply a ‘rubber-stamping’ process by SMEC.
...
“I am amazed that you did the SIA and EIA in only two years,” exclaimed one young man protesting with environmental group Karen
River Watch.
“There are over 10,000 villages – how can you do it completely in just two years?”
Steve Thompson of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) similarly has little faith in the assessment process.
“They have to make it look like they’re going through the normal processes, and make it look like this is a normal project. We are
talking about the biggest, most expensive, most lucrative projects in the world,” he said.
“It’s very complicated assessing the impacts of the dams; some may be small, some may be large, and some may not happen decades into
the future. For the companies and the government, it’s much easier to talk about the electricity supply, jobs, and the idea of
development.”
In early June, an ethnic coalition of 16 Shan community-based organisations issued a statement further condemning the SMEC process,
leveling accusations of bribery and alleging that the EIA/SIA teams were avoiding communities unhappy with the project.
“It is becoming apparent that SMEC’s EIA/SIA process is simply a sham, aimed to rubber-stamp the Mong Ton dam plans rather than
objectively assess the project’s actual impacts,” declared the coalition, which featured signatories such as the Shan Human Rights
Foundation and the Shan Women’s Action Network.
“The SMEC field surveyors had angered local villagers by only explaining the positive impacts of the dam, giving them ‘gifts’ which
they saw as bribes, and persuading them to sign documents they didn’t understand.”
The Australian company maintains that there has been no breach of the corporation’s anti-bribery and corruption policies, but so far
has not provided reasons as to why township public consultations in May were cancelled.
Of the project’s stakeholders, China Three Gorges Corporation, China Southern Power Grid, Sinohydro, the Electricity Generating
Authority of Thailand (International) and Burma’s International Group of Entrepreneurs Company, none responded to DVB’s enquires.
Ref:dvb.no
Hands of Hardship: Artist Htein Lin Spotlights Political Prisoners’ Travails
27th July
In the beginning, Htein Lin was not sure whether the public would have a chance to see his work, with the Burmese artist worried
about finding an exhibition space large enough to house the sprawling project.
Since 2013, he has been taking plaster casts of the forearms of Burma’s former political prisoners while documenting their hellish
experiences behind bars, and delving into how they managed to overcome interrogations and torture perpetrated by cadres of the
former military regime.
“If you break your arm, your bones heal thanks to the immobilization of the plaster, and the natural healing of your body. But it
takes time to heal, and during that time you are immobilized,” he said of the reason he chose plaster of Paris as a medium for the
project.
The 49-year-old added that more than 3,000 political prisoners were similarly immobilized by the prison cells to which they
sacrificed years of their lives over the period from 1988 to 2012.
“Three-thousand is just a number. But the visual impact of over a thousand arms will remind the audience of just how many people
gave up their freedom of movement to try to fix Burma, which had been broken into pieces,” he said.
Over the last two years, Htein Lin has traveled across Burma and ventured abroad to visit hundreds of ex-political prisoners, to
date collecting more than 400 plastered forearms and their stories.
“Having a chance to listen to how they survived their suffering has been a significant experience for me. It made me more mature,”
he told The Irrawaddy recently.
Now, with his “Story Teller” multimedia art exhibition at Rangoon’s Goethe-Institut, Htein Lin is able to publicly share those
experiences.
Accompanied by sculptures, installation art, paintings, video and audio, the nearly one month long show for which “A Show of Hands”
is one part will wrap up on Aug. 23. Separate exhibition booths tell some of the artist’s personal experiences, display artwork he
secretly created during his time in prison, as well as conveying the stories of his fellow political prisoners.
The centerpiece of the exhibition is “A Show of Hands,” the display of 405 plastered forearms of ex-political prisoners, accompanied
by pictures and videos of the plastering process that each participant underwent while recalling their experiences behind bars.
“I just want to leave stories for the next generation, to let them know that, ‘your grandparents and dads did this for your
country,’” the artist, who himself spent seven years as a political prisoner, said during the opening ceremony of the show last
week.
Since Gen. Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, Burma has never had a shortage of political prisoners, but the ranks of prisoners of
conscience swelled dramatically after a failed democracy uprising in 1988 was followed by a nationwide crackdown on dissidents.
Those who were arrested often endured inhumane treatment, including extra-judicial killings, solitary confinement and torture, for
their political beliefs. Many of them were released in 2012 after the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein came to
power a year prior.
Ko Ko Gyi, a former political prisoner as well as a leader of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, said the assembled plaster casts
represented “a collection of hands that collectively tried to push the country forward with their lives.”
“Htein Lin, the artist cum former political prisoner, reflects Burmese politics with his art, because [he realizes] documentation is
important for a country,” Ko Ko Gyi told The Irrawaddy.
Htein Lin said his project was part art, part community engagement, explaining that while some hands were cast in private locations,
others were done in public spaces such as teashops or at Rangoon’s Inya Lake, often drawing the attention of a curious public.
“During the plastering process, on some occasions, people approached us with anxious looks and asked ‘Are you guys OK?’
“When I explained to them what we were doing and who my participants were, they showed admiration for the former political prisoners
I was working on. Some people even said: ‘Hold on. I have a friend who is an ex-political prisoner. Here is his number.’”
Ma Thida, a former political prisoner turned editor and president of the freedom of expression advocacy group PEN Myanmar, said “A
Show of Hands” offered a visual medium for exploring the country’s dark past, adding that “we need to have something that documents
what has happened.”
“It’s not about revenge,” she said. “It’s something that recognizes people who took part in the country’s democracy movement.”
And indeed, the exhibition is arguably as relevant to present day realities as it is to the recent history of Burma, where hundreds
of people still languish in jail serving prison terms or awaiting trial for offenses that political prisoner advocacy groups say
qualify them as prisoners of conscience.
Other exhibition highlights may be the paintings that Htein Lin secretly created on prison uniforms when he was in jail, and a piece
of installation art featuring a map of Burmese made up of soap bars of the same brand as that issued to inmates by prison
authorities. A closer inspection of the artwork reveals that each bar has been chiseled to portray a solitary confinement cell with
an inmate inside.
Htein Lin said the “A Show of Hands” project is not yet completed, given the large number of ex-political prisoners in Burma. Even
over the course of the exhibition at Goethe-Institut, he plans to cast the forearms of additional former political prisoners. Among
the list still to be cast is Burma’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who promised Htein Lin that she would make an appearance
to have mold of her forearm join “A Show of Hands.”
Asked about his expectations for the exhibition, Htein Lin is modest: “You can’t expect big things like peace from a work of art. If
you do so, you are too greedy.”
“But if you want to reflect on what has happened in the past, art is very effective.”
In the beginning, Htein Lin was not sure whether the public would have a chance to see his work, with the Burmese artist worried
about finding an exhibition space large enough to house the sprawling project.
Since 2013, he has been taking plaster casts of the forearms of Burma’s former political prisoners while documenting their hellish
experiences behind bars, and delving into how they managed to overcome interrogations and torture perpetrated by cadres of the
former military regime.
“If you break your arm, your bones heal thanks to the immobilization of the plaster, and the natural healing of your body. But it
takes time to heal, and during that time you are immobilized,” he said of the reason he chose plaster of Paris as a medium for the
project.
The 49-year-old added that more than 3,000 political prisoners were similarly immobilized by the prison cells to which they
sacrificed years of their lives over the period from 1988 to 2012.
“Three-thousand is just a number. But the visual impact of over a thousand arms will remind the audience of just how many people
gave up their freedom of movement to try to fix Burma, which had been broken into pieces,” he said.
Over the last two years, Htein Lin has traveled across Burma and ventured abroad to visit hundreds of ex-political prisoners, to
date collecting more than 400 plastered forearms and their stories.
“Having a chance to listen to how they survived their suffering has been a significant experience for me. It made me more mature,”
he told The Irrawaddy recently.
Now, with his “Story Teller” multimedia art exhibition at Rangoon’s Goethe-Institut, Htein Lin is able to publicly share those
experiences.
Accompanied by sculptures, installation art, paintings, video and audio, the nearly one month long show for which “A Show of Hands”
is one part will wrap up on Aug. 23. Separate exhibition booths tell some of the artist’s personal experiences, display artwork he
secretly created during his time in prison, as well as conveying the stories of his fellow political prisoners.
The centerpiece of the exhibition is “A Show of Hands,” the display of 405 plastered forearms of ex-political prisoners, accompanied
by pictures and videos of the plastering process that each participant underwent while recalling their experiences behind bars.
“I just want to leave stories for the next generation, to let them know that, ‘your grandparents and dads did this for your
country,’” the artist, who himself spent seven years as a political prisoner, said during the opening ceremony of the show last
week.
Since Gen. Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, Burma has never had a shortage of political prisoners, but the ranks of prisoners of
conscience swelled dramatically after a failed democracy uprising in 1988 was followed by a nationwide crackdown on dissidents.
Those who were arrested often endured inhumane treatment, including extra-judicial killings, solitary confinement and torture, for
their political beliefs. Many of them were released in 2012 after the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein came to
power a year prior.
Ko Ko Gyi, a former political prisoner as well as a leader of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, said the assembled plaster casts
represented “a collection of hands that collectively tried to push the country forward with their lives.”
“Htein Lin, the artist cum former political prisoner, reflects Burmese politics with his art, because [he realizes] documentation is
important for a country,” Ko Ko Gyi told The Irrawaddy.
Htein Lin said his project was part art, part community engagement, explaining that while some hands were cast in private locations,
others were done in public spaces such as teashops or at Rangoon’s Inya Lake, often drawing the attention of a curious public.
“During the plastering process, on some occasions, people approached us with anxious looks and asked ‘Are you guys OK?’
“When I explained to them what we were doing and who my participants were, they showed admiration for the former political prisoners
I was working on. Some people even said: ‘Hold on. I have a friend who is an ex-political prisoner. Here is his number.’”
Ma Thida, a former political prisoner turned editor and president of the freedom of expression advocacy group PEN Myanmar, said “A
Show of Hands” offered a visual medium for exploring the country’s dark past, adding that “we need to have something that documents
what has happened.”
“It’s not about revenge,” she said. “It’s something that recognizes people who took part in the country’s democracy movement.”
And indeed, the exhibition is arguably as relevant to present day realities as it is to the recent history of Burma, where hundreds
of people still languish in jail serving prison terms or awaiting trial for offenses that political prisoner advocacy groups say
qualify them as prisoners of conscience.
Other exhibition highlights may be the paintings that Htein Lin secretly created on prison uniforms when he was in jail, and a piece
of installation art featuring a map of Burmese made up of soap bars of the same brand as that issued to inmates by prison
authorities. A closer inspection of the artwork reveals that each bar has been chiseled to portray a solitary confinement cell with
an inmate inside.
Htein Lin said the “A Show of Hands” project is not yet completed, given the large number of ex-political prisoners in Burma. Even
over the course of the exhibition at Goethe-Institut, he plans to cast the forearms of additional former political prisoners. Among
the list still to be cast is Burma’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who promised Htein Lin that she would make an appearance
to have mold of her forearm join “A Show of Hands.”
Asked about his expectations for the exhibition, Htein Lin is modest: “You can’t expect big things like peace from a work of art. If
you do so, you are too greedy.”
“But if you want to reflect on what has happened in the past, art is very effective.”
Hands of Hardship: Artist Htein Lin Spotlights Political Prisoners’ Travails
According to the government’s forestry department and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, forest cover is
46 percent [of the country’s land area]. They estimate that one percent of Myanmar’s forested area is lost on average annually. This
rate is very high. The government takes both dense and sparse forests into account regarding the rate of deforestation. Recently, in
cooperation with a foreign university, we studied the country’s deforestation using satellite images and found that almost one
percent of very thick forests in Kachin State and Sagaing and Tanintharyi regions have been lost.
Deforestation of dense forests is particularly worrying. [The government] should issue an honest statement on current deforestation
rates and the remaining forest coverage. It is terrifying that the deforestation rate is one percent. It can be argued that it is
the highest rate in the world.
...
It is important that we conserve the environment now. According to a study, there are around 20 million people living within a
five-mile radius of forests and around six million people living along rivers [in Myanmar]. These people will suffer if the water
and forests they rely on are depleted.
...
As villagers have said, there are cases in which those who steal a [small] bunch of wood are imprisoned while those who steal logs
in trucks act with impunity
...
Another problem is awarding licenses for seized logs. It is called License 8. [The government] imposes a fine for smuggled logs
seized and then gives the logs back to smugglers officially. So they log illegally before the eyes of the public and allow
themselves to get arrested. They can then take logs out of the country legally after paying the fine. [The government] does not
usually give out logging licenses. These issues need to be addressed.
Ref :irrawaddy.org
46 percent [of the country’s land area]. They estimate that one percent of Myanmar’s forested area is lost on average annually. This
rate is very high. The government takes both dense and sparse forests into account regarding the rate of deforestation. Recently, in
cooperation with a foreign university, we studied the country’s deforestation using satellite images and found that almost one
percent of very thick forests in Kachin State and Sagaing and Tanintharyi regions have been lost.
Deforestation of dense forests is particularly worrying. [The government] should issue an honest statement on current deforestation
rates and the remaining forest coverage. It is terrifying that the deforestation rate is one percent. It can be argued that it is
the highest rate in the world.
...
It is important that we conserve the environment now. According to a study, there are around 20 million people living within a
five-mile radius of forests and around six million people living along rivers [in Myanmar]. These people will suffer if the water
and forests they rely on are depleted.
...
As villagers have said, there are cases in which those who steal a [small] bunch of wood are imprisoned while those who steal logs
in trucks act with impunity
...
Another problem is awarding licenses for seized logs. It is called License 8. [The government] imposes a fine for smuggled logs
seized and then gives the logs back to smugglers officially. So they log illegally before the eyes of the public and allow
themselves to get arrested. They can then take logs out of the country legally after paying the fine. [The government] does not
usually give out logging licenses. These issues need to be addressed.
Ref :irrawaddy.org
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